The disputes among Chinese scholars'on Karl Marx's theory of social formation are largely due to differences in understanding of the core concepts of social formation,economic social formation and social form.It is therefore necessary to carefully examine these core concepts.Marx understood society as a product of human activities and as a social organism.The social organism is composed of a variety of factors which are interlinked organically,among which the economy is in the fundamental position,and is always in a state of change.Social change presents obvious phase characteristics.In order to highlight the these phase characteristics as stages in the evolution of human societies,Marx coined the concept of dieGesellschaftsformation based on the concept of geological formation. Productive forces,relations of production(the economic foundation)and superstructure are all components of society and all have phase,or stagecharacteristics,so they should be included in the concept of the social formation.Some scholars have a narrower understanding of social formation which excludes productive forces or superstructure from social formation.Perhaps these scholars confuse the main signs that distinguish various social formations with social formation itself. The scope of the form itself is two different issues. Economic social formation(die ökonomische Gesellschaftsformation)in Marx's works can be used in two ways,(1)it is the social formation from the economic perspective,(2)it is the formation of social economy or the economic formation,namely the economic part of the social formation,therefore,it belongs to the same sequence as the economic foundation,the economic structure,but it highlights the diachronic evolution rather than the synchronic structure of the economy.Some scholars interpret economy as the characteristics of the social formation,and argue that there are both the economic social formations and the non-economic social formations.Such understanding is in conflict with some of Marx's classical statements. Marx's theory of social formation contains historical consciousness,which is related to his distinction between obj ects and specific social forms(die Gesellschaftsform).In addition to social formation,Marx also used social form to refer to a certain stage of social development.The connotations of social form and social formation are both similar and different:they can both be used in the sense of staged social development,and social form can also be used in the sense of die gesellschaftliche Formbestimmtheit(the social determination of form).The essential similarity between social form and social formation lies in the fact that the certainty of social form obtained by obj ects and human labor in certain social relations is the symbol of different stages of economicdevelopment(economic formation)and then the stages of social development(social formation).

Since the May Fourth Movement,visionary Chinese intellectuals have pursued Marxism from the many theories of national prosperity through culture,and have been struggling hard for it.China's modern history of nearly a hundred years has demonstrated that the Communist Party of China has accumulated valuable historical experience in its efforts to explore the″cultural power strategy″.This process has fully demonstrated the great leap of the Chinese nation,by standing up to become rich and powerful.As a result,China has bright prospects for realizing the great rej uvenation of the Chinese nation.An accurate understanding of the changes in the nature of China's society since modern times is the key to learning about China's national conditions.It is possible to comprehensively analyze the profound changes in China's politics,economy,ideology and culture over the past century, and work out a cultural strategy to truly solve the problem of China's direction. The goal leads the way forward and provides the driving force for ongoing efforts.The Communist Party of China has successfully integrated Marxism with the excellence of culture in different eras in Chinese history,thus developing the new cultural strategic thought of New Democracy,the socialist cultural strategic thought with Chinese characteristics in the era of reform and opening up,and also in the current new era.These new ideas of the times always reflect the tendency of China's highly developed culture and have found the cultural development path for the rej uvenation of the Chinese nation. The key to the success or failure of a nation,country,and political party lies in its political, economic and cultural innovation capabilities. China's development is closely related to the Chinese Communist Party's ability to govern and innovate.Only when the Communist Party of China continues to innovate itself can it lead the advancement of China's culture,reach the peak of science and theory,and then realize the rise of the Chinese nation in the world. In a class society,culture always represents and serves the interests of certain classes. Therefore,the Communist Party of China has become the most important force in the period of revolution,construction,reform and opening up with Chinese characteristics. As an important part of culture,ideology,is directly related to national flags,roads and political security.The Communist Party of China has always been adhering to the guiding position of Marxist ideology,upholding the party's dominant power over the ideology,and developing stable and systematic communist values.The leadership of the Chinese Communist Party is the most essential feature of China's new democracy and socialism with Chinese characteristics.Adhering to the leadership of the party is the greatest advantage to ensure the revolution,construction,reform and opening-up with Chinese characteristics,to realize the great national rej uvenation of the Chinese dream.Since the founding of the Communist Party of China,it has attached great importance to the deployment of innovative cultural and scientific strategies to guide cultural advancement and accumulate forces for the endeavour.The Communist Party of China has united and led the people of all ethnic groups throughout the country to promote the development of the party and the country through new ideological and cultural awakening,creation of new theoretical results, new strategies for cultural construction,and new achievements in cultural development.To sum up,reviewing the century-old history of the party's cultural power strategy,an accurate interpretation of national conditions is the fundamental basis for strategy implementation.Clarifying the direction of the advanced culture of current era is the goal. Promoting the innovative development of advanced culture is the fundamental driving force. Implementing the mass line is the basic foothold.Ensuring ideological dominance is the key. Strengthening the party's cultural leadership is a practical guarantee for its implementation.

With an increasingly aging population, China is about to become a more aged society, and how to achieve ″healthy aging″ has become a central concern in all sectors of society. It is well known that social insurance plays an important role in the healthy life of the elderly，and existing research has effectively explained and analyzed the impacts of social insurance on the elderly’s physical and mental health. Unlike previous research, this paper uses China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) data to verify the impact of China’s new rural social endowment insurance subsidies on health behaviors in the rural elderly. Specifically, it examines smoking and alcohol drinking behaviors and their relationship to the backward rural social pension system and the weakening role of home-based care for the aged in rural families. The research is conducive to recognizing the policy effect and mechanism of China’s new rural social endowment insurance program on the healthy behaviors of rural elderly people, providing theoretical support for the implementation of the ″Healthy China″ and ″Healthy Aging″ strategy in our country and for the scientific implementation of social pension policies in the future. In terms of empirical methodology, we use fuzzy regression discontinuity (Fuzzy RD) to identify the impact of the new rural social endowment insurance and avoid endogenous problems in conclusions. The research set different bandwidths and age trends before and after the age breakpoint to test the robustness of results. The empirical results show that for rural elderly people, the new rural social endowment insurance subsidies have significantly reduced the probability of smoking by about 15% to 38%, and significantly dropped the number of daily smoking by around 3 to 9 cigarettes; while the new rural social endowment insurance subsidies have not significantly affected drinking behaviors at all. Next, we analyze the mechanism and impact of the new rural social endowment insurance subsidies on the health behaviours of the rural elderly in relation to three factors: healthy consumption , family support and intergenerational care. We find that after rural elderly people receive subsidies, healthy consumption, the possibility of obtaining family support and intergenerational care increase while unhealthy behaviors decrease. This suggests that the policy effects of the new rural social endowment insurance are an improvement on pension problems and promoting harmony among rural families. Since the implementation of the new rural social endowment insurance, the subsidies have provided support to alleviate pension problem in rural areas by increasing healthy consumption among rural elderly people, the function of family care has been enhanced, and the possibility of rural elderly people taking care of their grandchildren has been increased. Further research, we found that the limits on policy implementation since the restriction of the new rural social endowment insurance subsidies has a tiny inhibitory effect on personal unhealthy behaviors. The new rural social endowment insurance subsidies have a significant effect on the elderly in good health through heterogeneous analysis. Our results, suggest the following: In relation to family support and intergenerational care, younger generations should be encouraged to pay more attention to the emotional needs of the rural elderly by visiting parents frequently, spending more time to take care of the elderly and communicating with them through various means. In terms of government action, policies should: attach importance to the development of spiritual culture in rural areas; improve the pension mode to build the elderly's confidence in their life in rural areas; further enhance policy intensity and increase the impact sphere of social pension; address inequities in social insurance between rural and urban areas to build an integrated urban-rural social system.

Along with the fast growth of the aging population, commercial senior apartments offering comprehensive services have emerged as an important component of the social elder care system. Nevertheless, little academic attention has been paid to (a) the motivations or reasons behind Chinese elders’ interest in living in midrange or high-end elder care apartments and (b) how they might negotiate this decision with their families, especially their adult children. A qualitative study involving 55 in-depth semi-structured interviews along with participant observations was conducted with elders living in four full-service commercial senior apartments in the city of Hangzhou, Zhejiang province, China. A grounded theory technique including open and axial coding was adopted to develop and group key themes. Based on the theory of family power relations, data analysis revealed four important resource types: economic conditions, physical conditions, social capital, and ideological value system. These resources have crucial impacts on the decision-making power tendencies of elders and their adult children. Results also indicated that distributed cognition occurs when elders and their adult children possess distinct decision-making preferences (i.e., autonomy vs. interdependence); for example, some elders had a higher level of desired autonomy whereas others may seek more decisional support from their adult children. Based on elders’ and adult children’s distributed cognition, four approaches to family consumption decision making were identified: independent, collaborative, constrained, and isolated. Specifically, elders who engaged in independent decision making possessed a greater desire for autonomy and believed that their adult children supported their autonomy in the decision-making process. Among elders demonstrating collaborative decision making, they showed a stronger desire for decisional support from their adult children and perceived their children as willing to provide such support. Regarding elders subscribing to the constrained decision-making style, they displayed a lower desire for decision-making support and strong perceptions of interference from their adult children in the decision-making process. Conversely, elders with the isolated decision-making style had a strong desire to obtain decisional support from their adult children, but their needs for support were not met. Our findings further indicated that as resource availability (i.e., economic conditions, physical conditions, social capital, and ideological value system) changes, the four decision-making styles may evolve and thus exhibit dynamic characteristics. For example, if elders abandoned the traditional Confucian concepts of filial piety (i.e., raising children in order to be taken care of in old age), then their decision making tended to shift from a constrained style to a collaborative one. Similarly, if adult children’s attitudes towards commercial senior apartments changed, then elders with a constrained decision-making style generally moved toward the independent style. Theoretically, this research advances understanding of communication and negotiation behavior between middle-class elders and their adult children when making decisions about elder care services through the lens of family power relations. Relevant literature has mainly assumed the perspectives of social work and gerontology to explore elders’ decision-making processes when deciding to move into a nursing home; scarce work has investigated how middle-class elders come to decisions to live in commercial senior apartments and how they negotiate the decision-making process with family members. Therefore, our findings have important practical implications for supply-side reform of China’s elder care system. Essentially, these results may help commercial senior institution operators or practitioners understand the demands of elders with different decision-making preferences, thus enabling elder care professionals to tailor their marketing strategies and provide customized services. For example, for elders with a high desire for decision-making support from their adult children, institution operators can promote communication between these parties, provide detailed information about elder care, and encourage adult children’s participation in the decision-making process.

Internet access in China’s rural areas has substantively changed villagers’ lifestyles and political participation patterns. In the study of political science, scholars have not yet reached agreement as to how internet use affects political participation, but four possibilities recur: internet use tends to promote or inhibit citizens’ participation behaviours; internet has no effect or the effects vary from person to person. Although some studies have highlighted gender differences as a secondary variable in factors such as internet access, length of on-line time, and purpose of Internet use, few have centred on gender analysis, especially in the field of grassroots governance. This article verifies the positive impact of internet use on gender equity in grassroots political participation and reveals its underlying mechanisms. Based on the theory of ″women’s substantive representation″, this research proposes an analytical framework for rural women’s participation in village governance. It raises questions about village affairs as an important component of women’s participation. Drawing on the 2017 China Family Database (CFD) survey data on rural Chinese households, this paper provides empirical evidence of the influence of gender on internet use and villagers’ political participation. Results show that, after controlling the other factors, (1) internet use has a significant positive impact on substantive participation in village governance; (2) the internet has a positive impact on the participation of both male and female internet users in rural areas, which indicates that the virtual community does not exacerbate gender gaps that are present in real life, but promotes women’s representation in a gender-fair way; （3) for rural women of different ages, education level, and working background, internet use is more likely to promote the substantive participation of women aged 36 to 50 years old, with only primary education, who are a part of the workforce and have independent incomes. Since this rising trend does not increase linearly with age and education, this result indicates the profound impact of economic versus demographic characteristics. It also implies that network construction has the potential to promote women's substantive participation in under-developed areas, which often face problems because of the aging population and lack of opportunities to receive higher-education resources. This research also analyses how innovation and popularisation of information technology (IT) is connected with women’s substantive participation in village governance. From the perspective of institutional change, it demonstrates that improvements in women’s participation are driven by technology, and by a dynamic process in which formal and informal institutional factors interact. These factors include: (1) top-level design of the national legal system, which aims to enhance the protection of rural women’s political rights; (2) policy innovation by local governments, which may stimulate rural women to more effectively participate in the decision-making processes of local affairs; (3) village governance transformation, which not only emphasizes rural economic and technological development, but also focuses on rural women’s ability and gender-culture remoulding. These factors jointly push villages towards a focus on women’s needs, expanding the space for their political participation, and recognising the value of women’s participation, especially in the context of village governance where women not only make up the main residential population, but are also more likely to take advantage of communication in the context of a deliberative democracy.

With a large rural population, high poverty rate, and low level of economic development during the early stage of reform and opening up, Zhejiang province successfully eliminated poverty by its own definition of annual family income per capita below 4 600 RMB, which is twice the national poverty line, by 2015. The province’s rural poverty governance leads the development of national poverty relief policies. Based on the framework of ″poverty alleviation and development″, rural poverty governance in Zhejiang province has been closely integrated with economic development. This includes elimination of households in absolute poverty, alleviation of relative poverty in rural areas, and implementation of an integrated rural-urban minimum living standard. This article discusses Zhejiang Province’s governance and policy innovation of targeted poverty reduction from six perspectives: (1) cooperative poverty reduction mechanisms in sectors of government, market and social power; (2) identifying and improving an accurate poverty identification system; (3) shifting the focus of poverty standards from absolute poverty to relative poverty; (4) transforming the main poverty reduction method from development-oriented poverty reduction supported by special funds, to poverty alleviation by means of social protection; (5) expanding the scope of poverty reduction from rural areas alone to rural-urban integration; and (6) addressing unbalanced development in the province with multiple public financial support mechanisms. Judging from the current practices and experiences of rural poverty governance for targeted poverty reduction in Zhejiang Province, the following problems may be encountered in post-2020 poverty reduction in China: (1) rural-urban-integrated poverty reduction requiring institutional innovation in poverty governance; (2) poverty governance concerning migrant workers in the context of labor transfer needs urgent attention; (3) household registration requirements in the identification of poor households generating in accurate poverty data; (4) a rural-urban-integrated minimum living standard should be adjusted for differences in cost of living in different places. The article proposes four key strategies for post-2020 poverty reduction in China, including (1) coordinating government, market and the public agencies with the aim of poverty reduction; (2) formulating a new poverty standard under the concept of relative poverty governance; (3) establishing a rural-urban-integrated poverty governance system; and (4) developing a social security system based on rights and fairness.

Many social organizations in China display phenomena of organizational rigidity and lack of vitality. In terms of objective measures, this is because the organizations have institutional constraints, which prevent them from distributing profits. Subjectively it is because there is a long-term lack of effective management strategies. Organizational spin-offs have been considered an effective remedy for organizations which are underperforming or experiencing existential crisis, as they can activate employees from within and are expected to be the key to breaking the rigidity deadlock. Based on the spin-off theory and organizational incentive theory, a ″reward-behavior″ analytical framework can be formed, and this can be used to reveal the driving mechanism of social organizations from deadlock to spin-off and provide new explanations for social organizations in China to take root in society, provide services and effectively maintain organizational vitality. Taking the ″ENCIFANG″ as a case study object, this paper provides a theoretical coding and analysis of its organizational spin-off process from 2013 to 2018. When the development encounters scale bottlenecks, ″ENCIFANG″ activates the spin-off strategy, uniformly flattens, miniaturizes, and activates employees, providing a solution for the organization to break through the rigidity dead lock. The findings are as follows: First, organizational spin-offs are a managerial change that triggers a change in the human resource management system, including the distribution mechanism, and this generates a series of service innovations and freedom from organizational rigidity by activating the whole social organization. Second, after undergoing organizational spin-offs, social organizations are able to achieve all-round improvement in organizational structure, business model, employee motivation, resource utilization and organizational development; and organizational vitality is significantly enhanced. Third, the internal mechanism of performance-improvement of social organizations innovates the human resource management mechanism, and the three-dimensional incentive levels of external, internal and social motivations are enhanced, forming efficiency-oriented, professional-oriented and service-oriented behaviors. The theoretical contributions of this paper are: First, previous research has only studied the spin-off process from the organizational dimension; this paper reveals the internal mechanism model of organizational spin-offs, and finds that the management change triggered by social organizational spin-offs has unclogged the distribution mechanism, innovated the thinking concept, enhanced the service consciousness, and activated a significant ″incentive-behavior″ mechanism. The research helps to reveal the internal mechanisms of post-spin-off organizational performance enhancement at a micro level. Second, much of the previous research has focused on the corporate sector. There are few analytical frameworks that are applicable to social organizations. This paper introduces an important element of social organization, decoding the process pattern of organizational spin-offs in a specific context, and developing the theory of organizational spin-offs in the context of social organizations. Third, this paper follows the framework of ″reward-behavior″ analysis, revealing the dominant role of external, internal, and social rewards. Based on the findings of the study, this paper proposes countermeasures with a view to improving the level of internal governance of social organizations. First, social organizations should design a reasonable incentive system, and can introduce the theory of organizational spin-offs and incentive theory, so that employees can develop efficient, professional and service-oriented behavior. Second, social organizations in rigidity deadlock can adopt organizational spin-offs to make the organizational structure sink, give full play to the subjective motivation of employees, and upgrade social organizations. Third, social organizations, as the third sector, in the process of participation in government purchasing of services, easily breed dependency tendencies. The government should pay attention to internal capacity-building of social organizations and stimulate the endogenous drive for their innovative development.

In recent years, the application of new technologies like big data, cloud computing, and artificial intelligence to the construction of ″Smart Cities″ has been developing fast. However, there are common problems, such as the mismatch between project construction imperatives and residents’ needs, lack of information-sharing mechanisms between stakeholder departments, and poor collaborative governance among multiple project entities. Some smart city projects have also become political, rather than social achievement projects. Consequently, most smart city construction outcomes have failed to play an effective role in combating the epidemic, or to help realize the transformation of modern social governance. By attribution logic, we start from the basic point of how a smart city can help modernize the system and capacity of social governance, and build a logical framework for a smart city oriented toward social governance.This empirical study of the Hangzhou City Brain,aims to analyze and clarify, how a technology-driven smart-city construction process can lead to efficient and precise governance, and force a decentralized and flat governance process to ultimately reshape a multivariate collaborative governance structure. The paper also proposes the orientation of a smart-city in the service of social governance in order to provide insights for smart cities to contribute to modern social governance. From control of traffic congestion to comprehensive control of diverse city functions, Hangzhou City Brain is a new digital infrastructure for urban development and a new platform for digital urban governance relying on an innovative centralised organizational structure, which is an important support for social governance systems. In the light of social governance modernization, a smart city is not only the pursuit of ″technical rationality″, but also a vision of a good governance ecology. This means ″co-building, co-governance and sharing″ to lessen the rigidity of governance processes and provide powerful tools to reconcile contradictions between the growth of governance capacity and the responsiveness of governance systems to support the construction of smart cities that help modernize social governance. We propose that a smart city’s contribution to social governance lies in three dimensions: (1) governance effectiveness, the interconnection of government departments and real-time data online which can bring efficiency of public policy implementation and improved precision of public service supply by reducing public service costs and fragmentation; (2) governance process, where the government is forced to flatten, decentralize, transform, and reshape its social governance processes by clarifying the public data resources of various government departments and reorganizing the pattern of social interests; (3) governance structure, the network pattern of multi-subject co-governance and multi-power orientation is created by adhering to the principal position of the People, and multiple collaborative governance. We supply this contribution toward the future orientation of smart cities: (1) in the context of the government's control of resources and technologies, it is necessary to prudently rely on institutional design to deal with the relationship between multiple governance entities in order to build a governance system guided by public values rather than administrative efficiency; and (2) in order to further promote the modernization process of social governance through operation and maintenance of smart city systems to realize the long-term governance capacity of public policy implementation and public service supply.

The early Song Dynasty inherited the official system of the Zhou Dynasty,so there is no″seven-rank″selection system for choosing people(Xuanren).At the time,Xuanren was a general term for officials who were waiting to be elected and checked in the candidate list,that is, candidates who were going to be reexamined for their qualifications.There are a wide range of Xuanren,among whom the lowest-ranking Muzhi Linglu officers gradually formed the lowest class in the civil servant series in the Song Dynasty.The civil servant series is composed of three levels:Xuanren,Jingguan,and Chaoguan.This Xuanren refers specifically to the″Muzhi Zhouxian officials″,such as Panguan,Tuiguan,Linglu,and PanSi Bu Wei,etc.It is divided into seven ranks,which may determine the official ranks and the salaries of the Xuanren. However,among the county officials in the Song Dynasty,there are also Muzhi officials,such as Jiedu Panguan,Jiedu Tuiuan,Guancha Zhishi,Guancha Tuiguan,etc.,who will formally assume office. On the other hand, they function not only as Xuanren, but also as local government officials.The two are easily confused and need to be identified.When official system was restructured in Yuanfeng period(AD 1080 1082),Jingguan and Chaoguan's official ranks were changed to Yuanfeng Jilu ranks,but the Xuanren of their official ranks could not be changed.During the second year of Huizong Chongning(AD 1103),the seven ranks were changed from Jiangshilang to Chengwulang,thus ending the disorder of the dual function of Xuanren.The Muzhi Zhouxian Officials were abolished as the function of Xuanren,and they were combined into a unified,uniform local government officials.In the Northern Song Dynasty, the Muzhi Zhouxian Officials have a complex structure and multiple functions.Many scholars have made many achievements in the study of Xuanren of the Northern Song Dynasty,but comprehensive studies from the perspective of the rank of Xuanren are inadequate. Therefore,there is still some vagueness.For example,the differences between the Quanzhu Xuanren and Jieguan Xuanren, the differences between the Shixian Xuanren and Muzhi Zhouxian officials,the differences between the Muzhi Zhouxian officials of the same name and different positions,and the change of the Jilu Xuanren are all to be further studied.From the perspective of Xuanren titles,this paper provides a foundational all-round study on the evolution of the functions of Muzhi Zhouxian officials in the Northern Song Dynasty,and tries to clarify some ambiguities that existed in the Muzhi Zhouxian officials in the Song Dynasty.

It is well known that there is a lack of basic historical materials in the study of the military system in the Song Dynasty,especially in the Northern Song Dynasty.The tower of Kaiyuan temple in Dingzhou,built in the fourth year of Xianping in the Northern Song Dynasty, keeps many inscriptions of the tower repairs which can make up for the deficiency in this aspect. Based on these stone carvings,and combined with relevant research and documentary records, this paper sorts out the military officers under the Zhihui(Battalion)of the Northern Song Dynasty.Some problems have not been studied in the academic field, such as the specific meaning,classification,setting of different arms,ranking of positions,etc.According to their nature,these officials can be divided into two categories.One is the dispatch system.Among them,those who are in charge of the battle are the Yuanliao,Juntou,Shijian,Jiangyuhou, Chengju and Yaguan. The Tongyinguan and Caosi were the officers in charge of the administration.The other is a class of titles expressing honor and rank,such as the Puye, Shangshu,Dianshi.The existence of Shangshu,Puye and other titles indicates that the j unior military officer system of the Northern Song Dynasty has the characteristics of the former military system.In the establishment of Du,except for those who have been proved to be clear in the academic circle,such as Junshi,Fubingmashi,and Dutou,Fudutou,there are also Yuanliao, Juntou,Shijiang,Jiangyuhou,Chengju and Yaguan.Among them,they are in one rank for Yaguan and Chengju,one rank for the general of Jiangyuhou and Shijiang for the general,and one rank for the Fubingmashi and Junshi and for the general.A military officer of Yuanliao is below the Du level.Jieji refers to the general or general term of the lower rank officers such as Juntou,Shijiang,Jiangyuhou,Chengju andYaguan.Jieji is generally under Du,and each Du has several sections, thus confirming and supplementing the existing research conclusions. According to the specific situation,Yuanliao is not only set up in Imperial Guard,but also in the Militiaman.It is believed that Yuanliao in the Militiaman should be a real position,and is a general name of a certain level of officers,not a specific military officer name.The Juntou is set up below the Du of the Imperial Guard and the Du of the Xiang army.One head of the army is set up in each Du.Shijiang has been set under Du,and included no less than three people.The Jiangyuhou is not only set up in the Imperial Guard and Xiang army,but also in the Militiaman. As far as the setting up of Xiang army in Hebei Road is concerned,it is common to place Jiangyuhou under the command of Xiang army.The Chengju is set up under Du,and has left and right divisions.The number of employees in each Du may be at least four.Yaguan is set in the Imperial Guard,Xiang army and the Militiaman.In the Militiaman one officer has twenty-five men. The Tongyinguan and Caosi should be set up in the j unior military system,borrowing the name of administrative officials but serving the military.Judging from the inscription,the number ofJianjiao-shangshu is quite large.Dianshi is set under the Du.

In recent years, as the body of research on manuscripts of written conversations between modern Chinese and Japanese scholars has grown,the importance of these records to the study of modern Chinese history and Sino-Japanese exchanges has been increasingly acknowledged.This paper focuses on the manuscripts of written conversations between Ye Dehui and Morohashi Tetsuji,a Japanese Sinologist,analyzing their academic communications and ideological collisions over the study and history of Confucian classics,which could be considered characteristic of Sino-Japanese academic exchanges through the 1920s and 1930s.In May 1920,Morohashi travelled to Changsha in Hunan Province.During the stay,he visited Ye Dehui three times,and through the communication with Ye,not only confirmed the key academic issues in China at that time by learning the academic opinions of Chinese scholars, but also increased his understanding of the Chinese academic circle,and inspired his own research as the following three parts:Despite Morohashi initially regarding Ye Dehui as representative of Hunan scholars,and Ye indicating that he was different from Hunan scholars,Ye's academic identity was closely related to his division of the Confucian school.He pointed out to Morohashi the reasons for stagnation in Chinese academic history by reviewing its transitions over the past three hundred years based on the perspective of Han studies and Song studies.Morohashi,in turn observed that Sinology in Japan from the middle Meiji period was so influenced by China,that Han and Song studies had developed to be in conflict with one another,but that in his s opinion,as both part of the history of Confucian classics,they should be seen as complementary to each other.Morohashi devoted himself to Song studies,but also paid great attention to textual research,and his approach and Ye's academic opinion were both based on a shared understanding of the history of Confucian classics,which in turn reflects the common ground of the research method of Confucian classics shared by Chinese and Japanese scholars.Elsewhere in the written conversation,Ye Dehui criticized Kang Youwei and the school of New Text Confucianism,emphasizing the importance of Old Text Confucianism in the study of Confucian classics.He also pointed out that his view was consistent with that of Zhang Zhidong and Zhang Taiyan in″denouncing Kang Youwei for disordering China with New Text Confucianism″. Studies of the Gongyang School had gradually become a major focus of modern classics,and Zhang Taiyan fought openly with Kang Youwei for combining it with western knowledge,leading to the dispute between the schools of New Text Confucianism and Old Text Confucianism.A core issue in the study of Confucian classics is to clarify the definition of″Jing″and its relevance to Confucius.By expounding the transition of the meaning of the words″Ru″and″Jing″,Morohashi pointed out that in the pre-Qin period,Confucian scholars preferred to use″Zhuan″rather than″Jing″,so at that time″Jing″was not a special term among them.This analysis conforms to the description by the school of Old Text Confucianism.On the other hand,Morohashi conducted textual research to analyze the reason and the extent of Confucius'statement and deletion of the six classics.This analysis conforms to the position of the school of New Text Confucianism. Morohashi's absorption of the reasonable points of both schools showed his analysis to be an attempt to expand the study of the history of Confucian classics.Morohashi paid attention to Yan Yuan's theory after reading Ye Dehui's works.Starting with Dai Wang's compilation of Yanshi Xueji in 1869,the academic circles in the late Qing Dynasty gradually opposed the commendation of Yan Yuan's theory. By the New Culture Movement,Yan Yuan's theory was finally recommended by people from different positions at the same time.Although Ye warmed to the climate of admiring Yan Yuan at that time,he did not take Yan Yuan's opinion seriously in private.By contrast,Morohashi appreciated Yan Yuan's practical learning as the embodiment of the essence of Confucianism,and influenced the Mito School in Japan.Since the New Culture Movement,exploring the value of Confucianism in the study of the history of Confucian classics has become a difficult problem for Chinese scholars. Morohashi's approach in clarifying the universal value of Confucianism can be regarded as a reflection of and response to Chinese academic circle.

This paper comprehensively describes the communication between Korean envoys and the Japanese literati taking the example of the last Chosen Tsushinshi(Joseon Korea Diplomatic Mission to Tokugawa,Japan)and employing eight types of written literature and some other relevant materials from three sources,namely,Gozan Gakumonsou of Itei-an Temple,Edo j ukan(officials under Confucianism)and the civil literati.There are three kinds of written materials about the conversation between Gozan Gakumonsou of Itei-an Temple in Tsushima Han and the Korean correspondence envoys,namely, ChousenjinShifu(also known as Shinbi Wakan Shuushouroku),the screen attached with the poetries of Korean correspondence envoys at Koushou-j i Temple(Kanonj i City, Kagawa Prefecture), and the Shinbi Batou Shouwa. There are three kinds of written conversation materials between the Edo j ukan and the Korean correspondence envoys,which are Sessen Ingo, TaireiYosou and Kyouyo Ichiren(also known as Seiri Hitsudan).There are two kinds of written conversation materials between civil literati and Korean correspondence envoys,which are Keirin Joumei and Shoushuuhitsugo Narabini Shikou.Finally there are some related materials which are travel notes of Japanese literati,mainly including the Tsushima Nikki by Kusaba Haisen,TsuiyuuNikki by Higuchi Shisen,and HakuyuManzai by Miyake Kitsuen.In 1811,the Korean correspondents visited Japan.Although the meeting was diplomatic, held in a border area of Japan,Tsushima Island,cultural exchanges and collisions between the two countries were not absent from proceedings.The Japanese″cultural exchange group″was composed of Hayashi Jussai who was Daigaku no Kami(Director of the Bureau of Education), Koga Seiri,an official under Confucianism,and their disciples.The Japanese group internally selected members qualified to participate in written conversations,by systematically rej ecting applications from group leaders,and the Tsushima Han(local government)considered whether folk people were suitably educated to participate in written conversations.By strictly controlling the quantity and quality of the participants,Hayashi Jussai ensured the quality level of the Japanese group,stopping what had become a trend of exaggeration and ostentation,which often competed with″two hundred rhymes″or even″eight hundred rhymes″.In addition,Hayashi Jussai and his party conducted thorough preparations for the written conversations with the Korean envoys by practicing with the Japanese literati to improve the speed of composing poems, carefully studying cases and past hospitality practices of previous written conversations between Japanese and Korean envoys,copying Korean envoys'poems from Gozan Gakumonsou of Itei-an Temple to learn about their poetry level,and dispatched disciples as civil scholars to gather information on many occasions,so as to know the Korean party well and with confidence.The later period of Edo was a time of overall prosperity in various cultural fields in Japan, and the mentality of Japanese scholars in their interactions with Korean envoys changed accordingly.Several″confrontations″of written conversations with Korean envoys,from form to content,were like an expression of a″Cultural Revolution″for the Japanese side at that time. This is the underlying reason why Hayashi Jussai and Matsuzaki Kodore revived the old rites, prioritized public interests,requiring that officials,costumes,etiquette and other aspects should be equally arranged,and also reordered the poetry singing.The erudition and modesty of Koga Seiri had a significant effect of″self-prestige without being shocked or proclaimed″.Recent Japan-Korea reciprocal diplomatic exchanges,where Korea relied on its cultural advantages to offset Japan's military superiority,became gradually imbalanced.It was a turning point in the ongoing intercultural competition,significant in the trend of Japan-Korea diplomacy.

 Non-literal language, including metaphor, humor, pun, idiom, irony, riddle and so on, is termed figurative language. To understand non-literal language, it is necessary to break the mind-set and ignore the literal meaning to obtain the figurative meaning implied in the expression. Conventionality is one of the most important factors in non-literal language processing. Conventionality is the degree of being conventional, among ″a population that has implicitly agreedto conform to that regularity in a certain situation out of preference for general uniformity″, and it refers to the relevance between a certain expression and one of its metaphorical meaning in non-literal language-processing. Non-literal forms with high conventionality include conventional metaphors, idioms, etc., which are stored in the traditional culture and people's mental lexicon in a particular society, being highly conventionalized in daily life. Forms with low conventionality, such as novel metaphor, humor, riddle and irony, need to be understood in a specific context through association, reasoning or insight, because they are far from conventionalized. There are also some non-literal language constructs between the two poles with medium conventionality, such as puns and xiehouyus, which have both salient conventional meanings and novel non-conventional meanings. Until now no scholars have compared the cognitive processing of varied non-literal language forms according to conventionality, and there is no unified theory to summarize and guide the segmented and isolated research projects of Chinese non-literal language. Using relevant empirical results in recent years, the researchers of this paper take the degree of conventionality as an axis, and discuss the positions of different non-literal language forms on the axis with their own cognitive difficulty and complexity, finding that varied types of Chinese non-literal languages act as a continuum on this axis. The authors attempt to clarify a neuropsychological processing system by constructing the Conventionality-oriented Progressive Hierarchy (CPH) Model. Language constructs with low and high conventionality are placed at both ends of the axis respectively, and those of medium conventionality are somewhere in the middle of the continuum. For less conventional language forms, people have to process the literal meanings first, and then infer and interpret non-literal intentions according to context. For types with high-conventionality, which are usually conventional expressions in daily life, the processing mechanism is close to that of literal language because their highly conventional non-literal meanings can be directly accessed through a strong context. Moreover, as for non-literal language forms with medium conventionality, both the literal and non-literal meanings are activated and processed simultaneously or successively, and either of the two meanings can be accessed and maintained in the late-integration processing. By contrast, non-literal constructs with high and low conventionality suppress their literal meanings first in order to obtain their non-literal meanings. According to the CPH model, the authors have sorted the processing characteristics of various non-literal language forms, and summarized the following basic features of a non-literal language cognitive mechanism: (1) the more conventional the figurative language form, the easier and quicker it is to process; (2) processing non-literal language constructs with lower conventionality needs more involvement of the right hemisphere of the brain, in which case participants often have to relate non-conventional meanings to non-linguistic factors, so the right hemisphere, which has corresponding cognitive functions such as association, imagination and insight, plays a more important role here; (3) Context and familiarity have a mutual restraint effect, that is, for all non-literal language forms, high familiarity with strong context is the easiest to process, while low familiarity with weak context is the most difficult situation in which to access figurative meaning. High familiarity with weak context, as well as low familiarity with strong context, can make up for the deficiencies of one side with the advantages of other, making it comparatively easier to process the corresponding non-literal expressions.

In the field of property rights, Latin America’s modernization process has been broadly influenced by three theories: privatization, nationalization and socialization. At the beginning of their independence, Latin American countries completely transplanted Western political systems and accepted an absolutely liberal view of property rights, exacerbating social problems such as uneven land distribution and social polarization of rich and the poor in the region. The theory of socialization of property rights insists on the concept of absolutely inviolable property rights restricted by social interests and the social obligations of property ownership. The idea of socializing property rights owes much to the French legal scholar Duguit, expounded through his theoretical system of the social function of property rights. Influenced by positivism and legal sociology, Duguit’s theory was also inspired by scholars such as Hauriou and Hayem. Pre-empting the German Weimar Constitution of 1919, Mexico had written the social rights clause into the constitution of 1917 to protect the interests of workers and farmers. The socialization of property is a product of historical developments in Mexico, and its purpose was to redistribute land to solve the phenomenon of land concentration. Enduring authoritarian rule and the latifundia system intensified contradictions in Mexican society, leading to the outbreak of Revolution of 1910, objectively promoting the emergence of socialized concept of property. The shared-land tradition of Mexican Indians also weakened the region’s recognition of the idea of absolute property rights. In 1911, Duguit gave six lectures at the law school of the University of Buenos Aires, Argentina, systematically proposing his theory of the social function of property rights. After the 1920s and 1930s, his theory gradually influenced the practice of Latin American property socialization. For example, the Chilean Constitution of 1925 and the Colombian Constitution of 1936 emphasized that the law could restrict private property based on the public interest. Although much of the land reform in Latin America before the 1980s did not achieve expected results, it is undeniable that the doctrine of the social function of property rights provides a solution to the land problems of various countries. Although Mexico was the earliest practitioner of property socialization, it was Brazil that pushed this theory to development. The theory of the social function of property rights was first sprouted during the formulation of the Brazilian Civil Law. It was established in the 1934 Constitution, developed in the 1988 Constitution, and implemented in the specific provisions of the 2002 Brazilian Civil Code. Although the Civil Law of 1916 chose the liberal property path at last, the idea of property socialization was still brought up for discussion during draft conferences. As of the 1988 Constitution, Brazil expanded the social function principle from purely external restrictions to internal restrictions, emphasizing the protection of the environment and labor interests, and giving property to ecological functions. By 2002, the new Brazilian Civil Law not only included environmental benefits into the protection, but also stipulated that landless farmers can obtain land through their own work to make the land productive, and the civil contract is regulated by social interests. The process of property rights theory spreading and growing in Latin America is also a process of the further development of the modernization in Latin American countries. In the century after their independence, most Latin American countries chose the absolute private property theory, which intensified social contradictions and thus suffered terribly. Similarly, some countries chose to nationalize property rights in the 20th century, such as Peru during the reforms of Velasco and Chile during the rule of Allende, experienced social stagnation and even political turmoil. Countries that have followed the path of socializing property rights, whether in Mexico or Brazil, have achieved social progress to some extent. Although the theory of social function property rights has not fundamentally solved social problems in Latin America, it has eased the contradiction between humans and land and also the contradictions between humans and nature to a certain extent. Previous research on property rights theory has mostly started from the perspective of Western countries. As a region where rule of law was developed late, Latin America's development experience in the property system provides a valuable perspective for the study of the theory of property rights.

In modern society, mind control and emotional blackmail occur frequently, leading to negative impacts upon the community. Due to the lack of clarity concerning the compensation for mental damage caused by mind control or emotional blackmail in China, the interests of victims cannot be adequately protected. This paper aims to prove that, provided some requirements are met, claimants of compensation for mental damage caused by mind control or emotional blackmail are entitled to compensation in China. The subjects of claims of compensation for mental damage caused by mind control or emotional blackmail fall into two categories. When the act infringes on the victim's rights to health, the subject is the victim, who is entitled to claim for compensation according to Article 6 and Article 22 of Chinese Tort Law; however, when the victim dies, the subject is the close relative of the victim, who is entitled to claim for compensation according to Article 6 and Article 18 of the Chinese Tort Law and Article 7 of the Judicial Interpretation on Compensation for Mental Damage. In both situations, in order to claim for compensation, the subject must prove that the tortfeasor commits a tort upon the victim, the focus of which lies in the judgment of ″causation in the establishment of liability″ and ″fault″. The ″adequate causation theory″ is the standard of judging causation, which consists of ″cause in fact″ and ″adequacy″. With regard to the former, if the victim has not been injured or killed, and as long as mind control or emotional blackmail does not exist, then the wrongful act is the cause in fact; if the victim has been injured or killed, even if mind control or emotional blackmail does not exist, then the wrongful act is not the cause in fact. Concerning the latter, if the mind control or emotional blackmail may generally cause the damage, then the ″adequacy″ requirement is satisfied; if not, the ″adequacy″ requirement is not satisfied. To judge whether the wrongful act may generally cause the damage, the court should consider the general situation of Chinese society and the specific circumstances concerning both parties. Fault includes intention and negligence. On the one hand, the tortfeasor intentionally commits a tort if he/she intends a particular consequence of his/her act (direct intent), or if he/she can foresee a virtually certain consequence of his/her action (oblique intent.) On the other hand, the tortfeasor negligently commits a tort if he/she fails to exercise appropriate care to prevent a consequence of his/her action. The court should adopt a subjective standard to affirm the intention and adopt an objective standard to assert the negligence. When ascertaining the scope of compensation for mental damage, the court should firstly confirm the existence of causation in the extent of liability. In this regard, the adequate causation theory is also the standard of judging causation. Secondly, the court should determine the amount of compensation for mental damage according to the factors listed in Article 10 and Article 11 of the Judicial Interpretation on Compensation for Mental Damage. The factors include but are not limited to: the outcome of the wrongful act, the victim’s fault, and tortfeasors economic gain. The innovation of this paper lies in two aspects. The first is the research object. This paper aims to study the claim of compensation for mental damage caused by mind control or emotional blackmail, to which the academics and legal practitioners in China do not pay enough attention.The second aspect is the research conclusion. This paper divides the subjects of the claim of compensation for mental damage caused by mind control or emotional blackmail into two categories, that is, the victim and the close relatives of the victim. Moreover, according to this paper, if a subject could prove that the tortfeasor commits a tort upon the victim, and there exists causation in the extent of liability, he/she is entitled to claim for compensation in China.

″Individualization″,a concept put forward by the British sociologist Zygmunt Bauman, is a critique of the process by which individual behavior is increasingly driven by the satisfaction of individual consumptive desire,exclusively through the agency of consumer choice,creating independence from the state,and the transformation of traditional community.Using Bauman's concept of individualization,this paper discusses Ian McEwan's novel The Cement Garden as exemplifying the theme of the cultural crisis of an individualized society and the decline of traditional community culture.Firstly,McEwan reveals the dissolution of traditional harmonious family culture, not only through the disintegration of traditional patriarchy and the great influence of feminism,but also the great isolating effects of economic matters in an individualized society.The relationship between family members is very distant.The relationship between parents is tense,and the relationship between father and their children is also tense and even hostile.Not only that,the brothers and sisters in the family also show hostility and indifference to each other.Secondly,the family receives no help when it is in trouble.The city is no longer a community in which people can connect with, and help each other, nor does it imply a responsibility to its members.Moreover,as the symbol of the unique style of the city,the castle buildings with thick walls and low windows are being replaced by featureless, unified tall buildings,which suggests that the city is losing its own character.Under the influence of consumerism,the city is completely permeated with materialistic ideas and is losing its centripetal force.If the city is compared to the mother,it is suffering from the cruel exploitation of science and technology,so it is the direct victim of rationality and civilization.The isolation of the family and the decline of the characteristic culture of the city reveal the loss of urban neighborhood culture, and show the dysfunctional characteristics of interpersonal relationships in an individualized society,embodying the destructive and corrosive effects of modern civilization on the human mentality.Lastly,McEwan develops a dialogue with history through the novel, expressing deep regret about the decline of traditional community culture in an individualized society,and more importantly,implying profound criticism of desire-oriented consumer culture. The Cement Garden is full of the ideas of the sensory culture of consumerism,in which elegant culture is increasingly losing territory and giving way to vulgar mass culture.Furthermore,the disorder of the family and society in the novel reflects the loss of community culture from one side.The problem of freedom in the novel mainly comes from the loss of the characters'sense of community,because they have neither common goals nor strong emotional resonance,and it is difficult for them to identify with each other.The erosion of highly cohesive community culture by sensory culture shows the rej ection of elegant culture by popular culture,implying a serious deterioration of national cohesion.To sum up, taking McEwan's The Cement Garden as a research obj ect and adopting Bauman's concept of″individualization″as starting point,this paper systematically analyzes the cultural crisis of individualized society,demonstrating McEwan's strong sense of social criticism, and broadens and deepens the study of McEwan's novels on theme and content.In McEwan's view,the crisis of an individualized society is not only a social phenomenon,but also a literary one,an aesthetic cognition,a redemption approach,and a process of metaphysical reflection and experience of survival.Under the background of globalization,individualization has become an inevitable trend in current societies and has been paid more and more attention in the academic field.Research on the cultural crisis of an individualized society is helpful to enhance people's consciousness of reflection and criticism of current consumer societies,guard against various crises and deepen their understanding of themselves or between them.

In Japan,the research on the literature of the two Jin dynasties is regarded as extremely difficult.The reason is that it is almost impossible for Japanese scholars to interpret the first-hand letters and writings of the literati in this period.Take Wang Xizhi as an example.To date,there are nearly seven hundred letters by Wang Xizhi in circulation,all of which were private correspondence not written for publication.These are an invaluable resource for the academic study of Wang Xizhi.These letters differ from traditional Chinese books,which were written to be published.Wang Xizhi's letters were completely personal and private,and it is very difficult to understand their content correctly without a detailed knowledge of both his life and the period in which he lived.In order to meet this challenge,the author and Dr.Morino Shigeo spent more than ten years together,and finally completed the interpretation of all the letters of Wang Xizhi,laying a solid foundation for the research in this field.This article is built on the work from this collaboration between a Chinese and Japanese scholar,and gives the perspective of Wang Xizhi's relationship with Taoism,The article focuses on Wang Xizhi's handwritten letters, and then explores his real image.Wang Xizhi's writings have much to do with Taoism,medicine, food and health.In his letters,he called the Taoist priests″great master″,″great sage″,and in order to rely on the Taoist priests for medical treatment,he employed such words as″life saving″and″prayer″.In fact,the word″life saving″in these letters refers to a request for prayer from a Taoist priest,from which we can learn that Wang Xizhi believed in Taoism,trusted Taoists in healing,and developed a deep friendship with Taoist Xu Mai.Through his interactions with Xu Mai,Wang Xizhi made an effort to take sustenance and became interested in prescriptions.On the subj ect of health,like most of the literati of the Wei and Jin dynasties,Wang Xizhi preferred to take the powder of five minerals,but despite the fact that the results were not satisfactory,he continued to take this toxic compound,perhaps to relieve himself of his depression through the use of drugs.In addition to the powder of five minerals,his letters also contained a large number of other prescriptions.The efficacy of most of the drugs in these prescriptions has been confirmed by later medical writings. Wang Xizhi shared his knowledge of various herbal remedies by exchanging medical tips with his friends and relatives,working together to take care of his health.In his later life,Wang Xizhi regarded his lovely grandchildren as solace for his soul. However,the successive deaths of the grandchildren brought great pain and were a great blow. From this,we speculate that one of the main means Wang Xizhi used to enrich his life may have been the medicine prescription.Perhaps,Wang Xizhi believed that relying on Taoism to study prescriptions,dietetic life-nourishing was the practice of trying to live in the present moment.It can be seen from these letters that Wang Xizhi was not only a great calligrapher,but also aflesh-and-blood son of the Eastern Jin dynasty.